Centre assures WB of all help to fight Covid after Didi's letter to PM
NEW YORK (CBSNewYork) — Friday marks International Tuba Day. It was created in 1979 to honor all the hard-working musicians who handle the hassle of the mega-music maker. CBS2’s John Elliott spoke with a pair of local tuba players about the instrument’s underserved reputation.
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ایل این جی کی قیمت میں اضافے کا نوٹیفکیشن جاری
آئی ایم ایف پاکستان کے ساتھ موجودہ پروگرام جاری رکھے گا، جیری رائس ڈائریکٹرکمیونیکیشن بین الاقوامی مالیاتی فنڈ (آئی ایم ایف) کا کہنا ہے کہ آئی ایم ایف پاکستان کے ساتھ موجودہ پروگرام جاری رکھے گا۔ #ایل #این #جی #کی #قیمت #میں #اضافے #کا #نوٹیفکیشن #جاری Source link
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A line in Waylon Jennings and Willie Nelson’s “Mammas, Don’t Let Your Babies Grow Up to Be Cowboys,” warns: “Them that don’t know him won’t like him.” As a retired law-enforcement professional, it deeply saddens me to witness how my former profession suddenly finds itself in similar straits — reviled, the object of scorn and derision.
Dangerous tropes abound. False narratives proliferate. Bigotry and intolerance are suddenly acceptable, so long as the target wears a blue uniform.
I am also a father. I will not encourage my children to grow up to be cops.
As the nation braces for the one-year anniversary of George Floyd’s death, I sense nothing that gives me any hope that we will break the anti-cop fever any time soon.
Due process for police? Passé. Presumption of innocence? Police are guilty before they can be tried — guilty even before the clips of body-cam footage are posted.
Just ask LeBron James, who boasts almost 50 million Twitter followers: Even when a cop rightly used deadly force to prevent one 16-year-old girl, Ma’Khia Bryant, from stabbing another, he tweets that the officer should be held “accountable” and even the the threat “You’re next.”
We have lost our collective capacity to view fatal police shootings through an objective prism. They all get lumped together, justified or not. The Floyd case put the entire nation on trial as indelibly racist. Yet the reckoning is itself based on a biased narrative.
Activists and armchair quarterbacks confidently assert what an officer’s actions should have been — long after the dust has settled and based merely on a sometimes misleading video clip.
Why would I want my children to join the ranks of a profession whose members continue to be spat upon, disrespected, taunted and baited by “reformers”? Where police brass are rendered impotent by politicians who have long since caved to the mobs, instructing officers to “de-escalate” in the face of violent rioters and agitators?
Even now, as I pursue a doctoral degree focused on police use of force, my research informs me that fatal shootings of unarmed black men are an anomaly. Yet you’d never know this from the amount of coverage these incidents receive.
Breathless reporting often begins with incomplete information. Once a correction, update or retraction arrives, it’s too late — the social-media mob has already framed the incident. Online anger then fuels take-to-the-streets hostilities.
It’s estimated that police have some 76 million interactions with civilians over the age of 16 annually. On average, police fatally shoot around 1,000 civilians per year, about one in every 76,000 interactions. The vast majority of those shot are armed with a weapon — placing a police officer in a position to kill or be killed.
Yes, a small handful of these shootings are of someone unarmed. In 2020, The Washington Post database “Fatal Encounters” identified 55 unarmed people who were killed by police. (Keep in mind that violently struggling with or attempting to disarm an arresting officer counts as “unarmed” if the suspect doesn’t actually possess a weapon of his own.)
Of those 55 deaths, 24 were white, 18 black and 8 Hispanic. Arguing that this shows fatal police shootings involve minorities at disproportionate rates based on their percentages in the population ignores the fact that groups do not offend at the same rates. When a group is responsible for a higher percentage of criminality, especially violent crime (as the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting indicates year after year), this forces more police-civilian interactions for that group and results in more fatalities.
But none of this matters to critics like LeBron James or even a supposed expert like former Labor Secretary Robert Reich, who last month cited the number of year-to-date fatal police shootings in a tweet, while adding: “The system is still getting away with murder.”
No, it’s the critics who are getting away with unfair, naïve or disingenuous attacks on police. And there’s no end in sight.
Encourage my children — or anyone else’s, for that matter — to take up a dangerous and thankless profession amid today’s anti-cop environment?
No, thanks. I’ll pass.
James A. Gagliano is a retired FBI supervisory special agent and doctoral candidate at St. John’s University.
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A Pennsylvania district attorney who had cast the case against him as a pack of “vicious lies” pleaded guilty Friday to pressuring clients for sex when he was a defense attorney and then coercing them to keep quiet about it.
Bradford County District Attorney Chad Salsman admitted guilt and resigned from office three months after claiming he had “committed no crimes” and hinting he was the victim of a political smear by the state’s top prosecutor.
Salsman, who took office a year ago, was charged Feb. 3 with sexually assaulting women who were his clients in criminal and child custody cases when he worked as a defense attorney. The accusers told a grand jury that he groped them, sought nude photos, and pressured or forced them into sexual acts, sometimes on his office desk.
He pleaded guilty to reduced charges of witness intimidation, promoting prostitution and obstruction of justice, according to the Pennsylvania attorney general’s office. The prostitution charge is a felony that carries a maximum of 11 years in prison. Salsman will be sentenced July 9.
After Salsman was first charged, he emailed a statement from his Bradford County government address that cast the accusations as “vicious lies” and pledged to “vigorously defending myself against these false allegations.” He added: “Anyone who knows me knows that the picture the Attorney General is painting is not Chad Salsman.”
Salsman, a Republican, had also accused Attorney General Josh Shapiro, a Democrat, of turning his case into a media spectacle, complaining about being handcuffed and “paraded in front of television cameras.”
The attorney general’s office said Friday that “despite Mr. Salsman’s efforts to interfere in the investigation and his claims that the grand jury was politically motivated, today he is taking responsibility for his actions.”
Salsman “pressured clients into prostitution for legal services and used his power as a private attorney, and then as district attorney, to repeatedly harass, coerce, and intimidate victims,” the attorney’s general’s office said in a news release.
Salsman’s attorney did not immediately return email and phone messages seeking comment on the plea.
Before Friday, Salsman had vowed to continue serving as district attorney while his criminal case was pending, but had turned over trial and courtroom responsibilities to subordinates. The DA’s website still had Salsman’s photo and biography up as of Friday afternoon. The DA’s office said Brian Gallagher, an assistant district attorney, was serving as acting DA.
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As it turned out, the annual meeting of the NCAA men’s basketball rules committee this week was not a total flop.
Because from now on, if the committee’s proposals are adopted by an NCAA oversight panel, game officials will be empowered to call technical fouls on players they judge to be attempting to con their way into personal foul calls against the option.
In television, bad acting may get you a prominent position on “The Bachelor,” but in college hoops, it’ll be a Class B technical that’s worth two free throws to the opposition.
The flop warning made for a clever officiating signal, but it wasn’t getting all the phony charges and head-snaps out of the game. The possibility of presenting the other team with a free two points might convince the game’s amateur thespians to dispense with such theatrics.
That an offense in this area would not lead to the player being assigned a personal foul brings us to the more pressing item the committee considered and, unfortunately, chose not to dismiss on its face.
The members of the rules committee were asked to consider a proposal that would alter the way fouls are counted relative to disqualification. Rather than leave the current five-personal DQ in place — as every relevant statistic indicates they should — they chose to approve a needlessly complicated experiment that will confuse fans and likely decrease the quality of play.
The suggestion is for players to be allowed a maximum of three fouls in each half before being disqualified. So if a player gets four personals in the second half, he would be out of the game, even if he did not foul in the first half. If he fouls three times in the first half, he could foul twice in the second and continue playing.
This experiment is being suggested for the 2022 NIT, which would allow data to be collected on its operation before potentially being implemented at a later date.
In the NCAA.org release explaining the experiment, it is acknowledged that the reason for this suggestion is the growing reluctance on the part of college coaches to continue fielding players after they foul twice in the first half. So in order to fix something that easily could be remedied if coaches stopped employing a foolish, self-defeating tactic, the rules committee offers a rule that would make the game less attractive and appealing, more physical and perplexing.
This is where the Playing Rules Oversight Panel must do its job and tell the committee this isn’t even worth fouling up the NIT. One problem with the rules committee is the heavy representation of coaches, who too often make decisions that do not take into account the game’s public appeal.
That’s why the rule for secondary defenders attempting to draw a charge, changed in 2013 to make it more difficult to for the defense to jump in front of a drive to the basket and earn a call, was returned after one year. The charge rule is widely unpopular with fans, but coaches generally love it.
There is no pressing need to increase the foul limit for disqualifications. There were fewer personal fouls called during the 2020-21 season than at anytime since the NCAA began keeping statistics, in 1948. That’s a 73-year low.
MORE: Why the needless change to six fouls is bad for college hoops
Star players did not foul out with regularity. Of the 15 players on the Sporting News All-America team, there were only 13 disqualifications in 447 games played. The five members of the first team played an average of 33 minutes per game.
When the Big East experimented with a six-foul disqualification in the early 1990s, it led to a more physical brand of basketball. During the 1990-91 season, Connecticut and its opponents averaged 44 personal fouls per game; that’s 10 more fouls than were committed in an average game in 2020-21. More fouls mean more interruptions, more free throws, less actual basketball being played.
Some discussion about a six-foul DQ grew out of the two quick fouls called against Gonzaga All-American Jalen Suggs in the NCAA championship game. He drew his second personal foul after just 3 minutes, 4 seconds, and was immediately removed from the game by Zags coach Mark Few.
To his credit, Few did not strand Suggs on the bench for the remainder of the first half. Suggs wound up playing 33 minutes. That’s the exact same amount of playing time he got when the Zags had to recover from a double-digit deficit in the West Coast Conference title game against BYU. He committed only two fouls in that game.
Suggs was able to turn around the BYU game. He was not able to rescue the Zags against Baylor because Davion Mitchell would not permit it, not because of how many fouls Suggs carried.
“It is an out-of-the-box proposal,” committee chair Tad Boyle, head coach at Colorado, said in the NCAA’s release.
It should be stuffed back into that box.
And then burned.
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Economists expected the country to add 1 million jobs in April. It added just 266,000 — a sign that Bidenomics is kicking in and already becoming a dangerous drag on the economy.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics also revealed Friday that the unemployment rate rose slightly, from March’s 6 percent to 6.1 percent. Its jobs report was a stunning blow after March saw 770,000 jobs added.
But it shouldn’t come as a complete shock: President Joe Biden’s determination to grow government on the backs of business, and thus consumers, was going to hit growth at some point.
Without question, part of the problem is the $300 weekly federal supplement to unemployment benefits, which Biden’s nearly $2 trillion COVID “relief” package extended all the way until Sept. 6. A University of Chicago study found that 42 percent of those receiving unemployment checks are making more from the government than they did at the jobs they lost, without even including health-insurance aid for the unemployed.
But the prez refuses to take any responsibility — and even threatens to send more “help.”
“Do you believe enhanced unemployment benefits had any effect on diminishing a return to work in some categories?” a reporter asked Friday; Biden responded, “No, nothing measurable.” His Treasury secretary, Janet Yellen, agreed, saying it wasn’t a “major factor.” Both admitted, though, that businesses are having trouble filling jobs.
Of course they are. How many people would jump at a 40-hour workweek when they can get the same or more sitting on the couch? Gotham restaurants have struggled to fill positions, and they say it’s thanks to the extended benefits. “The stimulus plan is being completely undermined by the unemployment program,” Philippe Massoud, CEO of Manhattan’s Lebanese eatery Ilili, told The Post.
Not that Biden’s stimulus helped matters: The US future inflation gauge is at a three-decade high, and consumers are already seeing higher prices in everything from baby products to groceries to cars. That’s what happens when you throw money into the economy willy-nilly, as Biden has done (and plans to do much more). The M2, a key measure of the money supply, is up by 25 percent over last year.
Biden’s clueless reaction to the bad jobs news shows he hasn’t learned his lesson. Instead of ending the unemployment extension and encouraging the country’s schools to reopen so parents can get back to work, he said the job numbers show “more help is needed” — that is, his two plans to spend another $5 trillion to fund Democratic interests and vastly increase the ranks of dues-paying members of lefty-supporting labor unions and to vastly hike taxes on investment and business.
Bidenomics will never get America back to the 50-year-low unemployment rate of 3.5 percent we saw in February 2020, just before the pandemic hit. Indeed, if the president gets his way, the United States is headed at best for economic stagnation, if not 1970s- “stagflation.”
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