#colonialism Tumblr posts

  • “You can reconcile the history of the colonized and the history of the colonizer without an attempt to “be impartial,” because there’s always the question of justice. It’s simply unjust—I certainly don’t want to lose the force of that—it’s simply unjust for the colonizers to have done what they did. But, on the other hand, that doesn’t mean, then, that that entitles the colonized to wreak a whole system of injustices on a new set of victims.”

    — Edward Said

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  • KFC’s Colonel Sanders on his trip to Egypt in the 1970’s.

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  • Real Latin America •

    #europacolonialista #colonialism #bolivia #golpedeestado #putch #militarycoup #facism #fuckcatolicism #fuckevangelicals (at Oceano Pacifico)

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  • I’m tired of science fiction stories that are like “and humans were the best because…dotdotdot… We were human”

    I spent this morning trying to convince someone that his own political views were valid (it was even worse than that) and in his own self interest even though he was prepared to vote for the opposite and I know that’s a cultural thing but the idea that we have some spark of the divine because we look like ourselves and not aliens reads *So heavily* like an extension of the white nationalism already present in our “west is best” attitude. I much prefer AU like Guardians of the Galaxy where Aliens barely care about us because there’s like a hundred different aliens doing more interesting things. Star Trek is mostly okay because it mostly establishes that we recognise that we are equal to other aliens but sometimes it does stray into humans are da best!11!!

    #sci fi#colonialism#star trek #guardians of the galaxy #war of the worlds #self rant
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  • Now I’m indulging, because nothing original is available. All that is left to us to do is tear at the knots in our ties and our strained limbs and say “no more,” and either die by them or die at them. And Yorkshire is streaming past like afternoon tea, and it’s hot and £4 only for two pots and it’s brown and it’s hot and I don’t care about that anymore, because the taste in my mouth grows bitterer. All the same, hunting cunting cousin’s baby bunting Bash Street Kids “chums.” Let’s round them up and drown them in tea. Let’s replace their ideology and cut them with ours – not mine, but ours. Because we can’t mine anymore; there is nothing to mine, and there is nothing that is mine, but if we drown them then we could have something that is ours. Drown them in off-shore havens, because I don’t know how havens have to be off-shore (I thought they were full of caravans and things that are ours) and I don’t understand why we need them; severed identities, are you here or are you there? Are you on-shore, off-shore, not-sure, or none of the above? Why can’t there be any above? Severed eye, severed “I”, i am an i and a severed body.

    Yorkshire is dying and so is our Derbyshire (there’s an “r” in Derbyshire, like a pirate’s cry because we strive for the sea and we are on-shore and yet we are un-sure of that). Our country used to be that big “I”, and it was greedy and it was too much, and it ate the other letters around and consumed them into one empire of “I”, and no-one understood “y” and it was made to topple, because there was no need for the capitals – no need for fanfare and the consumption, like “God,” who died at home after a long illness, and whose obituary in the local paper was short and depressing and said he liked to garden and baked a Christmas cake every year and did crossword puzzles, and you wondered why you read it – you wondered why it didn’t mention the war (“DON’T mention the war!”) and how baking Christmas cake could be a hobby, and you thought how horrible it would be to die alone but if you call yourself “God” or you build yourself an “I” then the only way is to tumble.

    And our country – but it has never really been ours, because even when we experimented someone decided to ban the theatre and that seemed a bit harsh – is now severed, and we here are that fractured dot that is forgotten, and soon the “i” of this country, that has turned a blind eye, will lose it’s dot and lose it’s north and become a solid helpless arrogant line and it will look something like this | but I can’t imagine it because it scares me. There is no “I” in England.

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  • I had a rough day, and came to a realisation. I will say a bit about my own experience, and then, after having to lay the groundwork of explaining 400 things about Japan because American schools and media think the whole world is the US, Western Europe, and places to blow up, making explaining necessary, will tie it to Ichigo, or at least how I portray him.

    I’m Post Dankai Juniors, growing up in Japan. So’s Kubo, actually. The boundaries of this Japanese generation are roughly ‘75 to '85, Yutori, the following generation that’s always translated and localised as Millennial, pretty solidly set as beginning at '86. These things are always fuzzy because you can’t vivisect living brains and find the part that likes char siu buns and the part that likes jazz fusion. I *majored* in Social Science. You’ll have teachers who say “it is absolute that we date people who are similar to us because we’re all actually narcists.” (It *might* be because they’re like our beloved family or community. Narcistic Personality is not universal) But it really just is fuzzy, and that teacher/book author is an idiot. Anyway, Yutori is always translated as Millennial. I don’t know the end boundary. Post Dankai Juniors covers almost totally a debated throe for Germanic nations (I know Britain, Germany, and Nederland use the same generations as America, and their languages are Germanic) because of how fuzzy it all is, though.

    Anyway, so since coming to the US, my interactions with other Asians, again, how is this defined when China, Mongolia, Japan all border Russia and West Asia includes Jordan and Saudi Arabia, South Asia is India’s area, Southeast Asia is Laos, Thailand’s area, I mean, find the Arabic kanji. I don’t think Thailand even uses soy sauce. What the heck IS Asia, really? (Or “Middle East” when half of that’s Africa and the other half shares plate with Europe? )

    Anyway, my experience with Asians that are Boomer ages tends to be people who immigrated as adults, who more identity with a generation like “Dankai” or “Sirake.” My experiences with Latinos older than me… I’ve never actually asked if the generational labels are even the same.

    The thing about that is that when the name is the same, it means enough cultural traits are shared.

    My biggest experience with people who grew up under the term “Boomer” are Black and white.

    I’ve noticed a unifying trait.

    If they’re something oppressed (Black, gay), their attitude tends to be"it is mandatory to stand up for *my* demograph…but kicking the person behind me on the ladder in the teeth is wholesome, pure, and fun.“

    Outing me to large groups and saying I "speak Asian” seem to be the most common two. Calling me “Chinese” long after I’ve cleared this up for them is a close third.

    I mean, don’t get me wrong–my experience with Italian Americans past GI generation has been that now acquiring the “white” label, just like biphobic/aphobic/transphobic cisgays, they’re more often staunch priveledge defenders than cishet people of Anglo descent! And it’s just as true for X and Y as it is for Boomer (for the latter, one need only look at NYC destroyer and trump defender Giuliani) I actually don’t really identify with my Italian side at all because I was kinda locked out of making any meaningful connection.

    But back to my point that even in so-leftist-it’s-almost-not-America Bay Area, Boomers are still like this!

    The kind of stuff that flows out a X/Y TERF’s mouth, or the mouth of an X/Y person with a Confederate flag on his wall, American-raised Boomers say with ease regardless of their alignment! It’s banananas.

    (Please note that I also just have not met a whole lot of Native Americans, period, nor enough people significantly older than me from any one place in Africa, that was an omission of lacking data, not intended as erasure)

    How I tie it to Ichigo–

    So Kubo avoids specifying birth years for anyone.

    When I see something like this, I generally assume date of publication, as do most people in most fandoms (which of course gets screwy when you have something endlessly rebooted like Superman or Batman or something eternally unchanging like Detective Conan)

    Anyway, the first Bleach something published was the comic in '01.

    I generally assume it was supposed to be the start of a new school year, as Ichigo doesn’t know many of his classmates until at least the first test scores come out. So it’s probably April or something.

    If Ichigo was 15 then, he’d also be Post Dankai Juniors, just barely. If Ichigo TURNED 15 shortly after, during his adventure, he’d be undebatably Millennial.

    Now, there is still something up with Dankai and Sirake. PM Abe is the latter, b. 1954. A lot of his age-peers are behind him. This is the guy who supports remilitarisation and was caught funding a private militarist/fascist high(?) school that teaches that people from countries Japan conquered during its brief phase of trying to beat colonial Europe are less than dogs.

    Now, I left there as a teen. Clinton was US president. Scandals still got people kicked out of public office in Japan. I hadn’t figured or come out yet. Sure, I got bullied for being mixed, but kids will pick if you like different singers than the “cool” ones. They’ll pick based on what’s in your lunch. That data is sausage.

    I’m not 100% sure what Ichigo would face day-to-day sociopolitically as he grew up/aged. I haven’t had living family since'95 there, and friendships don’t get deep enough to ever last distance until at least high school. For me, adulthood.

    But I’ve kept/caught up enough (you try keeping up in the South before the internet was more than ten University sites!) that I know he’d face fascists (c'mon, the guy takes on a martial law government to save a new friend–that’s anarchist, he just doesn’t seem anarchist in his own world. He only fights humans in defence) I’m not sure how he’d feel about the JSDF, but he only fought the sinigami’s war out of feeling like it was his responsibility because the adults around him kinda made it so. I super don’t see him being for *starting* wars. In a human war, I see him actually being like Sugihara Chiune, a historical figure who died when I was a kid who I majorly admire. He worked at a Japanese embassy in Nazi territory, and when the embassy was evacuated,he continued throwing passports to Jewish people to go to Japan from the train he was departing on,and is hidden from Americans in the same spirit that Martin Luther King is…pulled the teeth out of. (PS, speaking of,go Google Steven Kiyosi Kuromiya)

    Also, Ichigo’s whole schtick is defending those worse off than him. He’s not someone I see defending Yamato Japanese priveledge. Heck, I could see him joining Uchinanchu efforts to get Parliament and the US base to leave them alone. I can easily see him sticking up for a Filipino domestic worker he met thirty seconds ago.

    To this end, I think regardless of what he is, he’d have a large rub with Japan’s equivalents of Boomers.

    Not to mention that Abe supporters tend to be very sexist and queerphobic, which isn’t even homegrown but imported from Américanisation. I mean, there were female warriors–assasins, which is what Yoruichi and Soi-Fon are styled after, and go look at some Ukiyoe, like Utagawa Kitamaro. Quite a few artists in the 200-ish years of the Edo period depicted life in the queer districts. I’ve also had people posit that Noh might’ve been a welcoming draw for trans people the same way drag was all over the US in the twentieth century and still is in rural areas, where there’s less cisgay gatekeeping. But this isn’t something I can reasonably research without access to plenty of older and not well known dusty documents, and lots of time, and I live in the US many years now. And do you know how much round trip airfare alone is!? Also, the language changed so much and I can’t read anything before Meiji without dropping words. Rukia, Byakuya, Yoruichi all have made for TV old-sounding Japanese like period dramas. Actual 18th Century Japanese would be unintelligible to the unspecialised.

    So this stuff isn’t really native, but Abe and a lot of people his age support all these -isms.

    I super don’t see Ichigo being happy about this.

    (I also feel like Issin’s old enough to remember before these -isms, but that’s my own thing. In my project, he was in those districts, but that’s me)

    At the same time, I’m still writing this through my own lens. Also, not still being there, I just don’t have enough data on Yutori in adulthood, or the grown Yutori lens. Honestly, even most other immigrants I meet are older than that. Or older than that and their adorable three year old children. So I have no clue.

    In the early 2000s, I got myself from the South to CA and began to reconnect, but began to is the key phrase. I can tell you right now that Abe is as much of a second phase of Nakasone as trump is of Nakasone’s buddy Regean. But what shifted when, I can’t say. I’m not entirely sure how Koizumi ran the ship, as it were. I know some things, but not enough to say.

    But whenever things shifted however, and whichever year Ichigo was born, I just cannot imagine him being any more on board with current events than really anyone in my area not born between 1946-1964 and raised in America.

    I feel like he’d probably be too tired or self-effacing to fight for himself, but he’d take on, loud and proud, any bigotry against *others.*

    I…also can’t really say I’m much different, except my joints are held together by the power of wishes, so I’m more like “get the victim to safety” than “give the attacker plenty of regret.” So, I can only do anything in limited ways.

    Ichigo is also entirely fuelled by the power of love. Lost his ability to protect and feels like his sinigami friends ditched him? Mondo depressed, however much he wants no one to notice–which most do a great job of ignoring! Everyone in his world turned against him for a guy who has attacked people close to him? Terrified, and murder can now be an answer. (Fullbring Arc)

    I was going somewhere with that. I’ve forgotten, but I’ll leave it.

    But anyway, I feel like he really only comes close to fighting for himself when others are taken away from him in a way that’s also wronging them.

    So yeah, I super don’t see him happy with current events or Sirake gen.

    I’m not sure how much I see him fighting for himself as mixed panromantic grey-ace. I mean, we know he fights people who are about to punch his face in for his looks, but what else can you reasonably do at that point? Get your head bashed in? I’m not sure how much I see him fighting hateful words pointed at him versus resigning himself to “people are the worst.” I mean, when he talks about being picked on, he kinda seems resigned, or at least like it’s a fact, like shoes being for outside or something.

    I guess I tied it to Ichigo a lot better than I thought!

    But also, the struggle against people born just after the war is not just you, and not just America. It’s a major problem.

    And it’s likely that Ichigo would agree.

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    “I’ve always wanted to be part Asian” GIRL WHAT

    #white people white peopling #white people wanna be oppressed so bad #video#ancestry#colonialism#usa#heritage
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  • East African official for Germany, formerly a sultan (Dar es Salaam, Tanganyika, 1902).

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  • City plan of Udinsk (now Ulan-Ude, Siberia, 1750).

    Ulan-Ude was founded as the small fort of Udinskoye in 1648, next to where the Selenga and Uda Rivers meet.  This was two years after the first Russian arrived to collect yasak (tribute) from the native peoples.  At this time, there was already a road and river crossing, created by nomads.

    In the summer of 1675, the Russian diplomat Nikolai Sparafy passed through Udinskoye on his way to China.  He noted that the settlement was suitable for a prison, so a fortress was built for that purpose. The Buryats and Mongols targeted the prison during raids, and from 1676 to 1689 there were many unsuccessful attempts to capture it.

    Udinskoye stood on the most important caravan route from Russia to China, so it was important for trading, storing goods and the formation of convoys.  The settlement developed slowly; in 1735 its name was changed to Udinsk, and two years later it was granted town status under that name.  By this time, it was famous for holding the largest fair in the Transbaikal region, where furs, fabrics, meat, bread and tea were sold.  The tradition of holding a large fair here continued until the early 1930s.

    In 1783, Udinsk’s name was changed to Verkhneudinsk (meaning “Upper Udinsk”) to differentiate it from Nizhneudinsk (“Lower Udinsk”). Nizhneudinsk lay on the Chuna River, but that river is also called the Uda River south of Chunsky.

    Verkhneudinsk was renamed Ulan-Ude on July 27th, 1934.

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  • as people have said over and over again: you can’t de-colonize a colonizing tradition. quakerism is fucked.

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  • No Coup in Bolivia! ” by  Joe Piette, used under CC BY NC SA

    Tiltshift from the original

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  • “[Primitive Accumulation] is a phenomenon constitutive of capitalist relations at all times, eternally recurrent, ‘part of the continuous process of capitalist accumulation’ and ‘always contemporaneous with its expansion.’ This does not mean that Primitive Accumulation can be ‘normalized,’ and we should underplay the importance of those moments in history — the times of clearances, wars, imperial drives — when great masses of men are suddenly and forcible torn from their means of subsistence and hurled onto the labor market as free, unprotected and right-less proletarians.’ (Capital Vol. 1, 876). It means, however, that we should conceive the ‘separation of the producer from the means of production’ — for Marx is the essence of Primitive Accumulation — as something that has to be continuously re-enacted, especially in times of capitalist crisis, when class relations are challenged and have to be given new foundations. Contrary to Marx’s view that with the development of capitalism a working class comes into existence that views capitalist relations as ‘self-evident natural laws,’ violence — the secret of primitive accumulation in Marx — is always necessary to establish and maintain the capitalist work discipline. Not surprisingly, in response to the culmination of an unprecedented cycle of struggle — anti-colonial, blue-collar, feminist — in the ’60s and ’70s — ‘Primitive Accumulation’ has become a global and seemingly permanent process, with economic crises, wars and massive expropriations now in every part of the planet, appearing as the preconditions for the organization of production and accumulation on a world scale. It is a merit of the political debates that I have mentioned that we can now better understand the ‘nature of the enclosing force that we are facing,’ the logic by which it is driven, and its consequences for us. For to think of the world political economy through the prism of primitive accumulation is to place ourselves immediately in a battle-field.”

    Silvia Federici, On Primitive Accumulation, Globalization and Reproduction

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  • The protests in Hong Kong have reached a sustained, fevered pitch that shows no signs of slowing. In a usually politically apathetic and downtrodden place, six months of regular outbursts of strife is nothing to shrug at. While simultaneous global protests have broken out for similar and regionally distinct reasons, one might come to the conclusion that in comparison that cosmopolitan Hong Kong has had relatively few fatal casualties but that would be sidestepping the historical trajectories these things have taken.

    What people don’t seem to grasp is that this is a city that has regularly felt the convulsions of modernity for over a century, before it even became a colony. As a spread out collection of villages in the first millennium CE, salt production taxation, piracy, luxury materials like incense and pearls, and a distant central bureaucracy were already the cause of riots. In the 19th century, it would become the port and military foothold to guard British imperial interests, including the intentional import of opium to an increasingly addicted wider Chinese public, cemented by wars and the resulting in the Treaty of Nanking and Convention of Peking.

    Anti-colonial sentiments would take root, but becoming a intersection of East and West afforded new, perhaps unexpected developments in its global and political position. As an emerging 20th century economic center it had a relatively free press and access to modern academic and social thought. It became host to young, revolutionary fervor as well as political, social, and economic refugees; all signs and important touchstones in hastening the demise of Qing rule. Like many previous popular uprisings in China, it was a central idea that dynastic fall and the ousting of perceived foreign or corrupt influence (read: non-Han, Western, and in particular Manchurian power) would restore the country to its Heavenly Mandate.

    The first Chinese Republic that emerged and Hong Kong helped birth would be short-lived. After becoming a battleground for Pacific aggression and World War II proper, and witnessing the retreat of the young Republic to Taiwan, civil war, and their aftermath, tensions in the 1950s and 60s remained high and widespread. Colonial repression was against a backdrop of the greater unresolved ideological conflicts and their influence locally, culminating in the 1967 leftist riots. This was the last time the Emergency Regulations Ordinance was invoked in Hong Kong as homemade bombs and domestic terrorism spread, people were burned alive, murdered, or assassinated in the streets and lasted eight months. Even when the dust settled, it set off a decades-long wave of migration that changed the face of Chinese communities globally.

    This was a premonition of postcolonial anxiety; who would be recognized as the legitimate governing body of a united China and what the real political implications would be, in a clash between the Republic of China, which was under White Terror martial law and the paranoid iconoclasm of the Cultural Revolution of Mainland China. The colonial government woke to a state of unleashed and organized nationalist polarization. A lease of 99 years changed from “good as forever” to serious consideration for an impending repatriation of the leased New Territories and outlying islands within a generation, growing to become the return of the entirety of Hong Kong and the Kowloon peninsula and its citizens under the 1989 Sino-British Joint Declaration. 

    A similar situation in Macau in 1966 would result in the beginnings of the framework for both cities to be governed under One Country, Two Systems under vaguely-defined guarantees of preservation of existing rights and freedoms and a “high degree of autonomy” in practically identical versions of Basic Law. What has become obvious is that the People’s Republic has used the norms and mechanisms of internationally recognized treaties and repatriation to achieve their goal of unification under one nation-state, without real sincerity for the stipulations and necessity of two systems. Attempting among other things to stretch historical definitions of their territory, consolidating control over all disputed territories and ultimately targetting Taiwan. Similar experiments with military and authoritarian control continue to play out in Xinjiang and Tibet as “autonomous regions”.

    The vague terms, hands-off oversight on the part of foreign co-signers, and legal limitations without clear plans after their 50-year expiry have meant China has been willing to renege or manipulate the exercise of the Basic Law and its protections after the fact, both through their own central bureaucracy and direction of the Chief Executive. Over the course of the current protests they declared the 1989 Joint Declaration a “historical document” rather than a binding agreement with the co-signers and the citizens, effectively claiming sole discretion of governing their “internal affairs”.


    This history of demonstrations, riots, and outbreaks of violence are preserved in the pop and social culture of protest and aggressive opposition tactics, as well the more recent reputation for political reticence, fear, and defeatism. Political and economic maneuvering, along with the decline of European empires after the World War II gave way to local material changes in allegiances and diplomatic relationships.

    Establishment-aligned conservatives who once aligned themselves with the colonial powers, business elite, and/or Kuomintang Taiwan now find a shared nationalism and anti-progressive stance with the formerly young communists that now hold sway as the entrenched pro-Beijing camp. Pan-democrats as their political opposition are an uneasy confederation of progressives, reformists, and radicals aligned with emergent nativist, populist, separatist elements, as well as reactionaries in their obstruction of centralized Chinese authoritarianism, demands for full suffrage, democracy, and self-determination.

    In 2003, protests against Article 23 brought out record numbers of people in opposition to clamping down with restrictions on the the right to free assembly and political expression using anti-subversion and national security laws and language. Failed Beijing-controlled electoral reform directly lead to Occupy Central and the Umbrella Movement in 2014, as well as the 2016 Mong Kok Fishball Revolution, effectively tanking the political establishment’s hold on popular support.

    The rising political figures in the opposition and grassroots activists involved in those protests continue to experience political and legal persecution, bearing the brunt of representing the growing social and political disquiet. The Causeway Bay Books abductions and forced confessions, among other high-profile extrajudicial kidnappings, only confirmed fears of the opaque and encroaching bureaucratic and judicial systems of the PRC. Exercising freedom of speech, expression, and advocating for self-determination has resulted inconsistent legal interpretations and retributive disqualifications of candidates from standing for election or entitlement to being administered oath of office after being elected.

    References to those previous conflicts keep popping up in 2019 actions against people, businesses, media, organizations, and unions that are historically associated with the People’s Republic. The 70th anniversary of the founding of the PRC and the 30th anniversary annual memorial of the Tiananmen Square massacre are just two reminders in the tortured historical litany of modern Chinese politics. Slogans like “if we burn, you burn with us” and “liberate (more accurately, restore) Hong Kong, the revolution of our times” reflect back on an awareness of the tactics and rhetoric of pre- and post-revolutionary China, reopening tensions of cultural North and South, Nationalist and Communist, foreign and local/indigenous. They also reveal a level of frustrated nostalgia and suffering that has not been addressed.

    Idiosyncrasies like leaving pineapples are more clear when you understand they are idiom for the 1967 bombings; pasting and repurposing images of political figures to step on, humiliate, or deface hints at the local folk magic practice of “villain hitting” (打小人) and the targets’ presumed malevolence; while playing with the ambiguous meanings, homophones, and coded language that make Hong Kong Cantonese comic and irreverent are directly pulled from a deep and even ancient subversive streak.

    The earlier rallying cries of the protests of “反送中, 抗惡法” can be read as “oppose extradition to China, fight the evil law”, while sounding similar to “oppose sending family (to the grave)”, namely the death knell of Hong Kong at the hands of China. The intent is obvious, as the phrase used for a familial tragedy also invokes the homophone taboo of gifting a clock or bell. “Hong Kongers, add oil (keep going)” has morphed from comfort and encouragement, to solidarity to “resist” and “avenge”.


    Ghost in the Shell re-imagined the late 20th century claustrophobic architecture and social landscape of Hong Kong as a near-future dystopia, when the traumas of war, globalization, overcrowding, ideological conflict, and technological acceleration were ominously already present and barely concealed. In a striking way, Hong Kong is still that glimpse into the future: its traditional economic and cultural influence is waning, cost and quality of life are at extremes. There is high barrier of entry and lack of social mobility for the younger generation, space is at a dizzying premium, it is politically under-defined by stunted by lack of democratic and civic access, all while increasingly dependent on an economically hungry and politically-abhorrent behemoth that they helped create.

    In the last two decades they’ve suffered through repeated injury to their tourism industry, health and financial crises, intense social and economic pressure, and most importantly direct existential threat to their security and freedoms from China and CCP influence in the form of electoral, policy, and extrajudicial control. They are 7 million people with defined rights of democracy and autonomy facing down 1.4 billion, controlled by a single-party authoritarian state, directly supported by one of the largest military forces on the planet. The rush to close the split from over a century apart by homogenizing and socio-economic extortion, is absolutely a collision that we are watching happen in real-time.

    Hong Kong is a place of contradiction, neither truly old or new, and my interest in the ongoing protests extends beyond it being a place that I am familiar or my sentimental attachments. What we are seeing is late-stage capitalism in its decline and exaggerated for us all to see: where democratic rights and freedoms are lip-service, oligarchs and convenient political operators are the only ones with any say, and rampant authoritarianism is unchecked while claiming to be the injured party. China’s paranoia is not unfounded historically, but it is unhinged when it is the state’s coercive use of power and deep insecurity that drives these problems in the first place.


    I’m well aware that there are actions over the course of these protests and demonstrations that have crossed the line. Violence and even vigilantism that was once shocking but distant, now grows closer. The bullets and flammables fly, the grievous injuries and accounts of abuse pile up in broader case of increasing intention to cause direct and permanent harm. The dehumanization, deaths under suspicious or unexplained circumstances, lack of accountability or responsibility on the part of police and inept government are adding insult to injury, further evidence of the primary criticism that they are neither valid or effective as an institution.

    Carrie Lam and her bureaucracy’s inability to address any of the remaining demands or generate meaningful solutions can only be described as arrogance. There is no end to the current impasse as long as they continue to rely on China’s continued tepid endorsement. Her withering approval rating, the lack of real mechanisms to consider the needs of the populace, and the use of police as cover for their spoken and unspoken approval of brutal tactics are signs that they only wish to return to a superficial and ultimately, temporary normalcy. 

    These aren’t blanket “anti-government” protests as many conservative outlets insist on phrasing it, they are allied in their rejection of an unelected and unreceptive one. Rather than understand and resolve the root, Lam has made a hard-line declaration that the pressure of violence will not achieve further demands. In doing so she has missed yet another opportunity to reflect and reconcile, and will have to accept responsibility for prolonging this crisis further.

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  • 🇧🇴 ¡Down with the coup against Evo Morales! 🇧🇴

    • Victory to the workers of El Alto who have bravely vowed to fight the military junta to the last!
    • Defeat CIA meddling in democratic elections!
    • Deepen and expand the natural resource nationalisations and social programmes which have terrified the colonial elite!
    • Rebuild the popular organisations: defend the popular gains with mass resistance!
    • For a new Bolivarian Revolution to continue the path to Latin American socialism in the 21st century!
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